A&B sells former sugar land on Maui for $262M

Pacific Business New
By Janis L. Magin

Alexander & Baldwin has sold 41,000 acres of former sugar land that made up the Hawaiian Commercial & Sugar Co. plantation on Maui to a farming venture of California-based Pomona Farming LLC and Canada’s Public Sector Pension Investment Board for $262 million.

As part of the sale, the venture called Mahi Pono LLC also purchased Kulolio Ranch, A&B’s grass-fed cattle project; Central Maui Feedstocks, A&B’s energy crop project; and all of A&B’s diversified agriculture leases. A&B said it will also partner with Mahi Pono in the ownership and management of East Maui Irrigation Co.

Mahi Pono plans to cultivate “a broad range of food crops” on the land, including coffee, fruits and vegetables for local consumption and export, and plans to expand the beef project at Kulolio Ranch, Honolulu-based Alexander & Baldwin (NYSE: ALEX), said in a statement. Former Lt. Gov. Shan Tsutsui, who also served as a state senator representing Maui, worked as an advisor to Mahi Pono.

Ann Chin, president of Mahi Pono, said the group was “committed to sustainable agriculture.”

“With our purchase of this fertile land, we want to help ensure that Maui’s residents can produce agricultural products for future generations,” Chin said in a statement. “We want to expand Maui’s thriving and diversified agriculture industry. As we develop our plans, we will work closely with local stakeholders, including the agricultural community, our neighbors, government officials, civic leaders and the local community.”

All current A&B agricultural employees will be offered positions with Mahi Pono, both companies said. A&B closed the HC&S plantation at the end of 2016 after holding the last sugar harvest; nearly 700 workers lost their jobs with the closure.

“A&B’s commitment, when we made the difficult decision to close our sugar operations, was to team up with qualified farmers and transition these lands to a diversified agriculture model,” President and CEO Chris Benjamin said in a statement. “We acknowledged that this transition would take time, but could support the important goals of food and energy self-sufficiency for Hawaii, preserve productive agricultural lands, and stimulate new economic activity on Maui and in the state.”

A&B, which talked about diversified agriculture after the plantation closed, said it has held discussions with “hundreds of parties,” most interested in farming a single crop on the parts of the former plantation land.

Pomona Farming, based in Redwood City, California, says on its website that it “has significant experience farming diverse agricultural crops and managing cattle operations on over 100,000 acres” and lists such brands as Sunkist, Kraft, Maui Cattle Co. and MauiGrown Coffee as among its partners and clients. It appears to be affiliated with Trinitas Partners, a private equity company at the same address.

The Public Sector Pension Investment Board is one of Canada’s largest pension fund investment managers. The venture registered Mahi Pono LLC with Hawaii’s Department of Commerce and Consumer Affairs on Dec. 6; Mahi Pono LLC and Mahi Pono Holdings LLC were also registered with the state of Delaware on Nov. 28. Pomona Farming LLC registered as a Delaware company on Feb. 28, 2017.

“In Mahi Pono, we have found a unique partner with proven farming expertise, established marketing channels, strong financial resources, and a long-term perspective,” Benjamin said. “Most importantly, they share our vision of seeing farming flourish across Central Maui for generations to come. This could be one of the most important advances for agriculture in Hawaii in many decades.”

Gov. David Ige and Maui Mayor Alan Arakawa each said the deal is important for maintaining Maui’s agricultural industry and for creating diversified food production.

“As a farmer myself, I understand the challenges of the business,” Arakawa said in a statement. “Alexander & Baldwin has found the right partner in Mahi Pono to continue our island’s long legacy of farming, while providing new jobs and economic activity for our Maui residents.”

CAUSE OF WAIPIO VALLEY HORSE DEATHS UNDETERMINED

HONOLULU – After extensive tests and observations, an ensemble of veterinarians were not able to determine the specific cause of the deaths of about 13 wild horses from Waipio Valley on Hawaii Island that occurred during June and July 2018. It was noted that infectious diseases were not the cause of the deaths and that the incident may be attributed to possible exposure to a toxicological event.

Veterinarians from the Hawaii Department of Agriculture (HDOA), University of Hawaii Manoa-College of Tropical Agriculture and Human Resources, local practicing veterinarians, researchers from the University of Hawaii Hilo–College of Pharmacy and a cadre of veterinarians, veterinary toxicologists and pathologists across the nation were involved in the attempt to determine why the horses exhibited neurological problems and eventually died.

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Repeated natural disasters pummel Hawaii’s farms, affecting macadamia nuts, taro, papaya, flower harvests


KONA, Hawaii — Historic, torrential April rains on the island of Kauai wiped out much of Hawaii’s taro crops — the main ingredient in poi and a staple carb of the island diet.

The next month, one of the state’s most active volcanoes spewed ash and lava throughout the eastern end of the Big Island, decimating more than 50 percent of the state’s papaya production and tropical flower industry.

Then came Hurricane Lane.

As Hawaii begins to recover from the tropical cyclone that dumped more than three feet of rain onto the Big Island last week, farmers here are just starting to assess the damage to their crops. Lane landed yet another blow to Hawaii’s agriculture industry after an already difficult year of reckoning with Mother Nature. Flooding, excess moisture and pounding rains could hurt macadamia nut, coffee and flower harvests for farmers on the east side of the island, which bore the brunt of the storm.

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https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/repeated-natural-disasters-pummel-hawaiis-farms-affecting-macadamia-nuts-taro-papaya-flower-harvests/2018/08/28/53e015fa-a97d-11e8-b1da-ff7faa680710_story.html

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Saving Hawaii’s Pig Farms

This once-fading island industry is coming to life again thanks to local tastes and strong cultural demand.

By Natanya Friedheim

David Wong is vegan, but he admits to occasionally tasting pork from the roughly 1,000 hogs he raises on his piggery in Waianae.

A bout with cancer transformed the way Wong thinks about the industrial farming that supplies most of the meat found in Hawaii’s grocery stores.

“The bottom line from what I learned is you are what you eat and what it eats,” he said. “The point is commercial pork is loaded with antibiotics, vaccines, hormones, growth promoters. That’s how you can get the pig to grow so fast and so lean.”

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Saving Hawaii’s Pig Farms

The Jones Act: A Burden America Can No Longer Bear

By Colin Grabow, Inu Manak, and Daniel J. Ikenson

How an archaic, burdensome law has been able to withstand scrutiny and persist for almost a century.

For nearly 100 years, a federal law known as the Jones Act has restricted water transportation of cargo between U.S. ports to ships that are U.S.-owned, U.S.-crewed, U.S.-registered, and U.S.-built. Justified on national security grounds as a means to bolster the U.S. maritime industry, the unsurprising result of this law has been to impose significant costs on the U.S. economy while providing few of the promised benefits.

This paper provides an overview of the Jones Act by examining its history and the various burdens it imposes on consumers and businesses alike. While the law’s most direct consequence is to raise transportation costs, which are passed down through supply chains and ultimately reflected in higher retail prices, it generates enormous collateral damage through excessive wear and tear on the country’s infrastructure, time wasted in traffic congestion, and the accumulated health and environmental toll caused by unnecessary carbon emissions and hazardous material spills from trucks and trains. Meanwhile, closer scrutiny finds the law’s national security justification to be unmoored from modern military and technological realities.

This paper examines how such an archaic, burdensome law has been able to withstand scrutiny and persist for almost a century. It turns out that, as in so many other cases of rent seeking, there is an asymmetry of motivations among those who benefit from the Jones Act’s protections and the vastly greater number who bear its costs. The protected domestic shipbuilding industry has a captive market from which it benefits handsomely and seeks to preserve by promoting fallacious arguments about the law’s necessity to national security, while the vast costs are dispersed across the economy in the form of higher prices, inefficiencies, and forgone opportunities that few people can even tie to the cause. That so many federal agencies and congressional committees have at least partial jurisdiction over different facets of the Jones Act also helps to explain its longevity. Lastly, this paper presents a series of options for reforming this archaic law and reducing its costly burdens.

Introduction
The Merchant Marine Act of 1920 has been a fixture of U.S. law and an imposition on the U.S. economy for almost 100 years. Better known as the “Jones Act,” the law was presented as a plan to ensure adequate domestic shipbuilding capacity and a ready supply of merchant mariners to be available in times of war or other national emergencies.1 The law aims to achieve those objectives by restricting domestic shipping services to vessels that are U.S.-built, U.S.-owned, U.S.-flagged, and U.S.-staffed. A century of evidence supports the conclusion that the Jones Act has failed in its main objectives while imposing substantial economic costs.

As a result of these restrictions, the U.S. economy endures artificially inflated shipping costs because the transport of cargo between U.S. ports and within the country’s vast inland waterways is off‐​limits to foreign competition and domestic shipping firms must pay vastly higher prices for the ships they use. Although higher shipping rates are the most obvious cost of the Jones Act, they are merely the first in a cascade of adverse consequences unleashed by the law’s restrictions.

Higher prices for waterborne transportation drive down demand for shipping services. When businesses move less cargo by water, shipping companies purchase fewer vessels. Reduced demand means that producers build fewer ships and, accordingly, there are fewer employment opportunities for merchant mariners. Meanwhile, artificially inflated waterborne shipping rates increase demand for alternative forms of transportation, including trucking, rail, and pipeline services, raising those modes’ rates and inflating business costs throughout the supply chain. Transportation expenses — incurred to move raw materials and intermediate goods to the next stage in the production process and final product to retailers and end users — comprise a significant portion of the cost of goods sold. Elevated transportation costs affect nearly every business in nearly every industry, rippling through supply chains, squeezing profits, curtailing business investment, disadvantaging U.S. companies relative to their foreign competitors, and depriving U.S. households of savings to spend elsewhere in the economy or to invest.

Meanwhile, heightened reliance on trucks and freight trains not only increases infrastructure and maintenance costs from wear and tear on roads, bridges, and rail, but also generates greater environmental costs. Surface transportation produces more carbon emissions than ships do, and its more intensive use increases the likelihood of highway accidents and train derailments involving hazardous materials. Relatedly, time wasted in growing traffic congestion — especially on highways running parallel to U.S. sea lanes — generates enormous opportunity costs from lost wages and lost output. Significant opportunity costs also can be observed in the loss of revenues experienced when, for example, a hog farmer in North Carolina purchases corn feed from Canada instead of from a farmer in Iowa because exorbitant delivery costs make the latter’s price uncompetitive. But even though some foreign suppliers benefit by happenstance in this manner, the Jones Act has been a persistent irritant to some of our most important trade partners, serving to prevent better access for U.S. exporters in their markets.

Despite these considerable costs and the absence of any measurable benefits, the Jones Act has persisted for nearly 100 years. Why? The answer is complex, but it boils down to the same causes that explain the persistence of rent‐​seeking behavior more generally. The small number of beneficiaries, which primarily include domestic shipyards and some labor unions, are more powerfully motivated to preserve the status quo than are the far more numerous adversely affected interests in seeking its repeal.